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| Notes for Edward CORDER I | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
| Deed Book #1 for Frederick County, VA starts 1743 I found this note for the transportation of a Hannah Ford, 10 Newgate, Maryland, Gilbert Darby Lux (85) Jan 32,1721. | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
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| IN 1769 Dr. Johnson, speaking of Americans, said to a friend, "Sir, they are a race of convicts and ought to be content with anything we may allow them short of hanging." | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
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| Did George Washington lay out the town of Little Washington? There remains no evidence that the town ''is the first Washington of them all,'' as noted by its historical marker. This argument, forwarded with zeal by Washington Town Attorney Clyde Baggarly in years preceding the 1932 George Washington Bicentennial, rests on the following statement: "On the second day thereafter [after Washington's July 22, 1749, survey for Richard Barnes], accompanied by John Lonem and Edward Corder, I journeyed one half day in a northwestern direction from Fairfax and in the Blue Ridge mountains in Culpeper County I laid off a town." The field note had been seen by no one save Baggarly. [from internet source] | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
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| Subject: The Granting of Land in Colonial America Land Grants Made Simple Land in Virginia (pre-American Revolution) was granted by the crown. The majority of the land grants after 1624 have been preserved and are indexed and abstracted in the book, Cavaliers and Pioneers: Abstracts of Virginia Land Patents and Grants. To stimulate immigration to the new colony, any person who paid his own way to Virginia would be given 50 acres of land (the headright system) and if he paid for the transportation of another person or persons, he would receive an additional 50 acres per person. People brought family members, friends and servants. Not all persons imported were indentured. "Among the head rights are found persons of all social classes, nobility and gentry, yeomanry, indentured servants (some of good family and connection in England), and negroes." Land claims weren't always filed immediately after arrival. The claimant only had to present a receipt to prove that he had paid the passage. Not all persons were entering Virginia for the first time. "Sea captains were especially active in the acquisition of land through the transportation of settlers, and they not infrequently acted conjointly with London merchants." The land was not granted fee simple, for the grantee to use as he pleased. The land was still owned by the crown and was leased to the grantee (the English system of land tenure). The leases typically ran for 21 years or 3 lives and at the end of the lease the land reverted to the crown. The "3 lives" also came from the manor system; the lease ran for the life of the person who lived the longest. The original lease will often mention the sons of the lessee. Annual rents were collected at Michaelmas--thus quit rent lists. Although the land was leased, the leases were sold and traded much like deeds, and transactions following the initial grant were recorded in Deed Books. The Northern Neck grants were set up the same way, except the land was owned eventually by Lord Fairfax, not the crown, and rents were paid to him. The grants were not restricted to 50 acres but "the tenant took up as much land as he and the proprietor thought he could pay for... The lessee was required to build a house at least sixteen by twenty feet with brick or stone chimney; to plant one hundred fruit trees, which he was to keep under good fence and to replace when necessary;" (The Fairfax Proprietary by Josiah Look Dickinson). Beginning in 1690, these grants were recorded separately. They also survive and have been indexed and abstracted by Gertrude Gray in Virginia Northern Neck Land Grants. The counties of the Shenandoah Valley are included in the Northern Neck Grants. http://www.rootsweb.com/~vashenan/cem/landgrnt.html | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
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| Subject: Records of the Old Bailey concerning Edward Corder Edward Corder, theft: no type specified, 04 Dec 1719. The Proceedings of the Old Bailey Ref: t17191204-34 Trial Summary: * Crime(s): theft, * Verdict: Not Guilty * Name search for: Edward Corder Original Text: Edward Corder, of St. Leonard Shoreditch, was indicted on the Statute of 22 Car. 2. for stealing 22 Yards of Broad Cloth, from Racks and Tenters, the Goods of Richard Richardson, on the 18th of November last. It appeared that the Cloth was upon the Tenters between 11 and 12 a Clock that Night; and a Neighbour and his Son coming over the Fields about two a Clock, saw a Boy very busie in the next Field, but when they came into the same Field, he was in the Ditch, and the end of the Cloth with him; that the Man examin'd what he did there, and he answer'd that two Men had beat and abused him very much, and thrown him into that Ditch; that he said the same before the Justice. Several Persons appear'd to his Reputation, and one who said that the Prisoner's Aunt being ill, sent him to call her to her between one and two that Morning, and that the Field where he was found was in the Way. The Jury Acquitted him. http://www.oldbaileyonline.org/html_units/1710s/t17191204-34.html Most of the parish registers for Shoreditch are at the London Metropolitan Archives but St Leonard's Shoreditch are also at the Hackney Archives Centre. They also have a mass of other information relevant to Shoreditch. Their web site has a detailed listing: http://www.hackney.gov.uk "Shoreditch is situated about a mile north of Whitechapel. The original settlement was founded at the junction of two Roman Roads, Kingsland Road and Old Street. St. Leonard's church was founded about the 12th century, the parish also including Hoxton and Haggerston. The land in the parish was owned by Holywell Priory, the hospital of St. Mary Spital, the Canons of St. Paul and the Bishop of London. In 1965 Shoreditch was amalgamated into the London Borough of Hackney Church Records: St. Leonard, Shoreditch High St. Baptisms 1558-1901, Marriages 1558-1899, Burials 1558-1858 " --http://www.eolfhs.org.uk/parish/shoreditch.htm "The area was considered a very poor district of London. In 1774, the Shoreditch Vestry levied a special poor rate for the purpose of setting up a workhouse for the parish of St Leonard's which illustrates the level of poverty in the area." --http://www.rhymes.org.uk/bells-shoreditch.htm | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
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| Subject: Records of the Old Bailey concerning Edward Corder Edward Corder, theft: shoplifting, 06 Dec 1721. The Proceedings of the Old Bailey Ref: t17211206-6 Trial Summary: * Crime(s): theft : shoplifting, * Punishment Type: transportation, (Punishment details may be provided at the end of the trial.) * Verdict: Part Guilty: theft under 5s, * Name search for: Edward Corder Original Text: Edward Corder, of St. Andrew Holbourn, was indicted for privately stealing out of the Shop of John Jackson , a wooden Drawer, value 2 d. and 19 s and three Half pence in Money, the Goods and Money of John Jackson on the 2d November last. Elizabeth Jackson depos'd that as the was sitting in a back Room, about 7 at Night, the Prisoner came into the Shop, and took out the Drawer, which the hearing, ran out and stopt the Prisoner in the Shop, with the Goods upon him, till some others came to her Assistance. The Prisoner said in his Defence, that he was Drunk, and knew not what he did. The Jury found him Guilty to the Value of 4 s. and 10 l. http://www.oldbaileyonline.org/html_units/1720s/t17211206-6.html | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
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| Subject: Records of the Old Bailey concerning Edward Corder Punishment summary from Old Bailey Proceedings; Sir William Stewart, Wednesday 6th December 1721, 1-10 The Proceedings of the Old Bailey Ref: s17211206-1 The Tryals being over, the Court proceeded to give Judgment as followeth; Receiv'd Sentence of Death, 11. Elizabeth Mob , Samuel Laws , Arthur Gray , John Jones , Nathaniel Haws , Robert Walton , George Baker , alias James Graves , Sarah Herbert, James Wright, Christopher Samuel Grass, and Mary Bost ck, who was Convicted at a former Seisions. Burnt in the Hand, 7. Sarah Carvel , James Biss , Robert Bembridge , Thomas Burton , Hannah Nicholson , Mary Rayner , and Susan Elliot , the two last formerly Convicted. To be Whipt, 2. Sarah Marriott , and David Pritchard , the last formerly Convicted. To be Transported, 36. Edward Thomas , Christian Salner , John Seaton , William Wingfield, Ann Nichols , John Scoon , William Langly , John Lee , Rebeccah Slater, John Sergeant , Tho Parker , George Hogrel , Ann Williams , John Gill , John Pool , Edward Corder , John Beton , Richard Farthing , Mary Harvy , John Hart , Charies Graystock, Jonathan Brindly , Ann Pain , Robert Holmes , Edward Mason , William Cropper , John Angel , Elizabeth Hargrove , John Overy , John Nash , Daniel Veal , Mary Foxwel , Margaret Ellen , Richard Anderson , John Fairborn , and John Alcock . This last lately was inoculated for the Small Pox, and recover'd. Robert Parker was Fin'd Twenty Marks, and to find Security for his good Behaviour for three Years. Elizabeth Mob , and Sarah Herbert , pleaded their Bellies, and a Jury of Matrons being impannell'd, found only Mob Quick with Child. http://www.oldbaileyonline.org/html_units/1720s/s17211206-1.html | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
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| Subject: The Transportation Statute of 1717 A Transportation Statute, 1717 (Statutes at large, Vol. V) An Act for the further preventing Robbery, Burglary, and other Felonies, and for the more effectual Transportation of Felons, and unlawful Exporters of Wool; and for declaring the Law upon some Points relating to Pirates. 4 Geo. I, c. 11. (1717) Whereas it is found by Experience, That the Punishments inflicted by the Laws now in Force against the Offences of Robbery, Larceny and other felonious Taking and Stealing of Money and Goods, have not proved effectual to deter wicked and evil-disposed Persons from being guilty of the said Crimes; And whereas many Offenders to whom Royal Mercy hath been extended, upon Condition of transporting themselves to the West-Indies, have often neglected to perform the said Condition, but returned to their former Wickedness, and been at last for new Crimes brought to a shameful and ignominious Death: And whereas in many of his Majesty's Colonies and Plantations in America, there is great Want of Servants, who by their Labour and Industry might be the Means of improving and making the said Colonies and Plantations more useful to the nation: Be it enacted by the King's most Excellent Majesty, by and with the Advice and Consent of the Lords Spiritual and Temporal, and the Commons, in this present Parliament assembled, and by the Authority of the same, That where any Person or Persons have been convicted of any Offence within the Benefit of Clergy, before the twentieth Day of January one thousand seven hundred and seventeen, and are liable to be whipt or burnt in the Hand, or have been ordered to any Workhouse, and who shall be therein on the said twentieth Day of January: as also where any Person or Persons shall be hereafter convicted of Grand or Petit Larceny, or any felonious Stealing or Taking of Money or Goods and Chattels, either from the Person, or the House of any other, or in any other manner, and who by the Law shall be entitled to the Benefit of Clergy, and liable only to the Penalties of Burning in the hand or Whipping, (except Persons convicted for receiving or buying stolen Goods, knowing them to be stolen) it shall and may be lawful for the Court before whom they were convicted, or any Court held at the same Place with the like Authority, if they think fit, instead, of ordering any such Offenders to be burnt in the Hand or whipt, to order and direct, That such Offenders, as also such Offenders in any Workhouse, as aforesaid, shall be sent as soon as conveniently may be, to some of his Majesty's Colonies and Plantations in America for the Space of seven Years; and that Court before whom they were convicted, or any subsequent Court held at the same Place, with the like Authority as the former, shall have the Power to convey, transfer, and make over such Offenders by Order of Court, to the Use of any Person or Persons who shall contract for the Performance of such Transportation to him or them, and his and their Assigns, for such Term of seven Years; and where any Persons have been convicted, or do now stand attainted of any Offences whatsoever, for which Death by Law ought to be inflicted, or where any Offenders shall hereafter be convicted of any Crimes whatsoever, for which they are by Law to be excluded the Benefit of Clergy, and his Majesty, his Heirs or Successors, shall be graciously pleased to extend Royal Mercy to any such Offenders, upon the Condition of Transportation to any part of America, and such Intention of Mercy be signified by one of his Majesty's Principal Secretaries of State, It shall and may be lawful to and for any Court having proper Authority, to allow such Offenders the benefit of a Pardon under the Great Seal, and to order and direct the like Transfer and Conveyance to any Person or Persons (who will contract for the Performance of such Transportation) and to his or their Assigns, of any such before-mentioned Offenders, as also of any Person or Persons convicted of receiving or buying stolen Goods, knowing them to be stolen, for the Term of fourteen Years, in case such Condition of Transportation be general, or else for such other Term or Terms as shall be made Part of such Condition, if any particular Time be specified by his Majesty, his Heirs and Successors, as aforesaid; and such Person or Persons so contracting, as aforesaid, his or their Assigns, by virtue of such Order of Transfer, as aforesaid, shall have a Property and Interest in the Service of such Offenders for such Terms of Years. http://www.le.ac.uk/esh/ca26/eh400/sources/2b1.html | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
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| Subject: General information about immigrants in bondage Author: Butler, James Davie Title: "British Convicts Shipped to American Colonies." Citation: American Historical Review 2 (October 1896): 12-33 HTML by Dinsmore Documentation * Added May 13, 2002 BRITISH CONVICTS SHIPPED TO AMERICAN COLONIES IN 1769 Dr. Johnson, speaking of Americans, said to a friend, "Sir, they are a race of convicts and ought to be content with anything we may allow them short of hanging." In the latest edition of Boswell, who chronicled this saying, it is explained by the following footnote: "Convicts were sent to nine of the American settlements. According to one estimate, about 2000 had been sent for many years annually. Dr. Lang, after comparing various estimates, concludes that the number sent might be about 50,000 altogether."1 Again, in the Encyclopædia Britannica, under the article "Botany Bay," we read: "On the revolt of the New England colonies, the convict establishments in America were no longer available, and so the attention of the British government was turned to Botany Bay, and in 1787 a penal settlement was formed there." In keeping with these statements is a conversation related in the autobiography of Dr. Francis Lieber (p. 180). The scene was a breakfast in 1844 at Dr. Ferguson's in London. "I remarked how curious a fact it was that all American women look so genteel and refined, even the lowest; small heads, fine silky hair, delicate and marked eyebrows. The Doctor answered, 'Oh, that is easily accounted for. The super-abundance of public women, who are always rather good-looking, were sent over to America in early times.'" These English views of the United States in the colonial period as penal settlements and convict establishments move incredulity and indignation in Americans, with whom Plymouth stands for a colony of conscience, Massachusetts for an asylum of martyrs, and Virginia for the old dominion of high-bred cavaliers. But a student who would nothing extenuate nor set down aught in malice - falsa dicere, nec vera reticere - is bound to ascertain how far a convict element really pervaded our early plantations. In this research he will find little help from our standard histories. Bancroft, in 1887, conversing with the present writer, freely admitted that, when speaking of felons among our settlers, he had been very economical in dispensing the truths he had discovered. Having a handful, he had opened only his little finger. He wrote too early to expect that American eyes could bear the light of full disclosures. Writing of the early Virginians, he said: "Some of them were even convicts; but it must be remembered the crimes of which they were convicted were chiefly political. The number transported to Virginia for social crimes was never considerable."1 Most other writers have held that, among transports shipped to America, political offenders formed a large majority. Such criminals it was felt were less likely to be stained with moral guilt, and it was patriotic, if not natural, to exaggerate their number. It seems certain that among the felons sent to New England, by far the largest element was made up of prisoners taken in battle. A letter from Rev. John Cotton to Cromwell, dated Boston, July 28, 1651, states that "sundry Scots taken by him at Dunbar, September 2, 1650, had arrived there and been sold, not for slaves to perpetual servitude, but for six or seven or eight years," etc. That the word "sundry" meant one hundred and fifty we learn from the British Calendar, Domestic Series, for 1650. On September 19, the Council of State ordered 150 Scotch prisoners delivered to be sent to New England by John Foot; on October 23, it was ordered that they be shipped away forthwith, and, on November 11, that they be delivered to Augustus Walker, master of the Unity, for transportation to New England.2 In 1650 Dr. Stone, a Massachusetts agent, bought several Scotch prisoners from Tothill jail, London. Again, of the prisoners taken at Worcester, September 3, 1651, two hundred and seventy-two were shipped to New England on the John and Sarah from London, and arrived in Boston the following spring. Their names, derived from the "Hutchinson Papers," were printed in the New England Historical and Genealogical Register (I. 377)3 The number deported to Virginia from among the Scotch made prisoners at the battle of Worcester was much smaller than is generally stated. Thus, in Ballagh's White Servitude in the Colony of Virginia, a recent issue of the Johns Hopkins press, we read (p. 35): "Of the Scotch prisoners taken at the battle. of Worcester sixteen hundred and ten were sent to Virginia in 1651." Bancroft gives some countenance to such an assertion. But Bruce, though he loves to swell the number of political transports, says, in his Economic History of Virginia (I. 608): "After the defeat of Charles II. at Worcester, his soldiers who were seized on that occasion were disposed of to merchants, and at least sixteen hundred were thus conveyed to America. The Parliamentary fleet in which they were transported sailed first to Barbadoes. . . . We have certain information of the arrival of only one hundred and fifty Scotch servants in the Colony when the fleet arrived in 1651." There is no certainty, however, as to even the handful which Bruce specifies. According to the Domestic Calendar for 1650, the Council of State, on September 19, really ordered nine hundred Scotch prisoners to be delivered to Samuel Clark for transportation to Virginia, and two hundred to Isaac Le Gay for the same purpose, but on October 23 it ordered to stay these prisoners, "till assurance be given of their not being carried where they may be dangerous." Furthermore, Gardiner, the latest and most accurate historian of the Commonwealth (I. 464), declares there is no proof that these political felons were sent abroad at all. All we know is that certain Bristol merchants who had contracted to transport a thousand of them to New England, broke their contract. Those unfortunates, he thinks, may have been sent back to Scotland, in accordance with another order which he cites. Regarding men implicated in Monmouth's rebellion, Ballagh says (p. 35), "a number of them were sent to Virginia in 1685." Bancroft was of the same opinion, and says "the suppression of Monmouth's rebellion gave to the colony useful citizens" with a page more of declamation (I. 471). The truth is that not one of Monmouth's 841 condemned men was sentenced to Virginia or shipped thither. Macaulay, Mackintosh, and the Calendar all agree that their destination was "Jamaica, Barbadoes, or any of the Leeward Islands in America." If any were carried to Virginia, it was the remnant that did not prove salable on the islands. Hotten's list mentions Barbadoes and Jamaica often but Virginia never as to Monmouth's men. It seems well established that some political convicts had been introduced into Virginia in the time of Charles II. Thus Bruce relates (I. 611) that in 1678, when the uprising in Scotland had been suppressed, a considerable proportion of the prisoners were shipped to America. The king in that year addressed a letter to Lord Culpeper, ordering him to permit Ralph Williamson to bring into the colony and to dispose of fifty-two persons implicated in the insurrection, and Culpeper was still further directed to suffer Williamson to land all others guilty of the same offences in Scotland who might be hereafter delivered to him. At the same time, as Bruce adds, the king ordered his provincial officers to treat as invalid all Virginia laws which prohibited the importation of British felons. Such laws may have been suggested by the chronicle that after the fall of Drogheda in 1649 the surviving prisoners were shipped across the Atlantic; that the next winter two vessels set out from London, with prisoners designed for the plantations in Virginia; that in 1653 Richard Netherway of Bristol was permitted to export from Ireland a hundred Tories, who were to be sold as slaves in Virginia; and that other batches, some still larger, of Irish unfortunates were there imported. Yet no proof appears that any of the Drogheda prisoners were transported to Virginia. Cromwell himself mentions Barbadoes as their destination.1 The Scotch prisoners in the Preston campaign of 1648 were sent to Barbadoe.2 Some of the men at that time brought into Virginia from New York as convicts were felons only in the eye of martial law. Thus, previous to the year 1665, the English invaders of Long Island attacked New Amstel on South River. Many of the Dutch colonists they sold as slaves in Virginia.3 Other convicts guilty of no moral transgressions came from other colonies. Thus, the General Court in Boston ordained that Quakers who had not wherewithal to pay their fines (and they were enormous) should be sold for bondmen or bondwomen to Barbadoes, Virginia, or any of the English plantations.4 After the Mar and Derwentwater rising, in 1716, two shiploads of defeated Jacobites, "out of His Majesty's abundant clemency," were deported, eighty in the ship Friendship, and fifty-five in the Good Speed, and were sold in Maryland.5 A most desirable class of political offenders would have come to both Virginia and New England, - and that in great numbers, - through the Conventicle Act of 1664. But that law, which expelled from England a noble army of martyrs, expressly forbade transporting them to either Virginia or New England, and so they were consigned signed to the torrid sugar islands.1 If cargoes could not all be sold there, there is reason to think that the remnant in some way was carried on into continental colonies. Some political offenders in the eighteenth century were, no doubt, sold into a longer or shorter American servitude. The Historical Register for 1718 notes (p. 46) a trial in the Admiralty Court of Mutineers on "a ship bound to the plantations with thirty prisoners taken in the late rebellion at Preston, whom they set ashore at St. Martin's in France," etc. Again, the Gentleman's Magazine states, on May 31, 1747, that "430 rebel prisoners from the jails of Lancaster, Carlisle, Chester, York, and Lincoln were transported this month from Liverpool to the plantations. Eight of them were drowned by a boat over-setting, not being able to swim because handcuffed. This number, with the rest, makes above a thousand rebels transported."2 But throughout the whole colonial era a large class, and probably a majority, of the convicts shipped to America were not political offenders. Details on this matter will be sought in vain where we have reason to look for them. Thus Hotten's table of contents includes "serving men sold for a term of years," but never shows that any one of them was a felon, except politically. Mr. Bruce, however, in his admirable Economic History of Virginia, devotes many pages to an inquiry how far the company under which the first plantation was made had been willing to accept criminal or dissolute persons for transportation (I. 589-600). He cites a declaration of that company in 1609, that they would accept no man who could not bring testimonials that he was moral and religious.3 Yet in a sermon before that same company the next year, the preacher did not deny that they sent base and disordered men, but added that, "The basest and worst men trained up in a severe discipline, a hard life, etc., do prove good citizens."4 The company's declaration must have been of a piece with the more modern law that no man not of good moral character shall be licensed to keep a saloon. In the next year, 1611, Governor Dale wrote from Virginia begging the king to "banish hither all offenders condemned to die out of common goales, and likewise to continue that grant for three years unto the colonie (and thus doth the Spaniard people his Indes) it would be a readie way to furnish us with men, and not allways with the worst kind of men," etc. He goes on to show that criminals would be better colonists than "the three hundred he had been enforced to bring over gathered by peradventure." It does not appear that the governor's request was granted, but there is no reason to think that he changed his opinion as to the colonial value of felons. He remained supreme in Virginia for five years afterward, and did much to build it up. It is not unlikely that he obtained some recruits of the criminal class he preferred. At all events, his suggestion was a leaven whose working was soon manifest. Sir Thomas Smith, in 1617, secured from Oxford jail five reprieved prisoners "to be transported to Virginia, or other parts beyond the seas." Others convicted of felony, as Knott and Throckmorton, delivered to him out of Newgate, arrived in Virginia in 1618.1 Rogers, sentenced to be hung for manslaughter, was transported to Virginia on the ground that he was a skilful carpenter.2 Carter and Francke, felons, came in 1622. In 1619 the king had sent for transportation to Sir Thomas Smith divers young people who had been twice punished but not reformed, and the same year commanded the Virginia company to transport fifty similar criminals at once.3 Bruce (I. 602) gives particulars concerning a dozen other felons, nine of them females, shipped to Virginia before 1636. Others in the reign of James I. - as Elizabeth Hendsley, or Ralph Rookes - are noted by the British editor of Middlesex Records4 as "interesting to persons seeking particulars touching the history of Virginia." The same records show others in the forties, and in 1655, under the Commonwealth, name ten felons, - six of them women, transported at once to Virginia, - using for the first time the word "transported" as a substitute for "reprieved," which had been previously used. They also record that in 1665 under Charles II. twenty-four convict felons were ordered to be shipped "within two months for the island (sic) of Virginia, or Barbadoes or some other part of America inhabited by British subjects."5 In 1667 eighteen convicts were transported to Virginia6 and in 1670 cattle killers and burners of corn-stacks became liable according to statute either to death or to transportation to the plantations. The provincial authorities of Virginia, the same year, passed the notable act prohibiting the importation of convicts; but this act, like all others of a similar aim in all the colonies, was overruled and nullified by orders from the king to his Virginian and other provincial officers. For other reasons this prohibition did not prohibit. Planters both in the West Indies and in Virginia, which was reckoned a part of them far on in the eighteenth century, needed laborers, and welcomed a supply from whatever quarter. Negroes were brought from Guinea, - and from the British islands men who had been kidnapped, or had sold themselves to obtain a passage over the Atlantic, or had been sold by sheriffs to shipmasters who would contract to carry convicts beyond seas. All were bought for tobacco and set at work raising more. As Virginia's staple was tobacco, it naturally became a centre of white as well as black servitude, whether its victims were indented or not, and criminal or not. All fared alike. The reason given in the act itself for the Virginia prohibitory enactment of 1670 is a proof that the convict element there was then not small. It speaks of "the great number of felons and other desperate villains sent hither from the several prisons of England," and adds that through such imports "we are believed to be a place only fit to receive such base and lewd persons."1 But they still came. Narcissus Luttrell, in his diary,2 remarks that a ship lay at Leith, going for Virginia, on board which the magistrates had ordered fifty lewd women out of the houses of correction and thirty others, who walked the streets after ten at night. Hugh Jones, a rector at Jamestown, took an optimistic view of felon imports, although, as he says in his book published in 1724, many attempts and laws to prevent too great a stock of them had been made in vain. According to his plan, convicts should be brought over at the expense of Virginia counties, and should thenceforth belong to those counties. From the avails of their labor, funds could be raised in every county. All public charges could be thus defrayed from the labors of their rogues and beggars without any tax upon honest and industrious people. "But such notorious villains as are sent over in chains for robbery or murder should be kept apart in chains still," etc. Satisfied that England was Japheth, the Indians Shem, and negroes Ham, Jones viewed the planting of Virginia as a plain fulfilment of Noah's prophecy, which he printed on his title-page: "God shall enlarge Japheth, and he shall dwell in the tents of Shem, and Canaan shall be his servant" (Gen. ix. 27). President Stith, two decades later than Jones, was more pessimistic, saying that "Virginia had come to be reputed another Siberia or a hell upon earth." Virginia, in the present paper, has been chiefly spoken of as the destination of convicts. It is made thus prominent in all documents which have come to the knowledge of the writer. But he is not ignorant that, according to Dr. Lang, all the nine colonies outside of New England were penal settlements, and that Lodge and other able writers maintain that Maryland received a larger felon quota than any other province. The whole number there, as estimated by Scharf, the Maryland historian,1 was at least 20,000, about half of them after 1750. In all cases where Maryland has been found coupled with Virginia, the writer has so stated it. The Historical Register now and then mentions Maryland alone, saying that on October 4, 1726, about eighty felons-convict under sentence of transportation were taken out of Newgate and put on shipboard for Maryland in America, being joined on the river by several more convicts from Surrey and Kent. In 1665 certain convicts in England petitioned Her Majesty, the queen mother, in hope she would order them sent to her Maryland. As late as 1769, eighty seven-year convicts from Bristol are noticed by Scharf,2 and Lodge maintains that "such importations continued there after they had ceased in other colonies," though such imports into Virginia were not declared illegal till 1788. As Bristol, according to Macaulay, was specially infamous for kidnappers, so it shared largely in an allied branch of business, the traffic in convicts. Hunt, the historian of that city, remarks (p. 142), "Toward the end of the seventeenth century, Bristol aldermen and justices used to transport criminals and sell them as slaves or put them to work on their plantations in the West Indies." A writer in Notes and Queries3 holds this Bristol industry to have arisen still earlier, saying, "When Cromwell [and William, as well] had conquered Ireland, the Irish officers sought safety on the continent, while the rank and file were pressed to enlist in foreign service. As many as 34,000 men were thus hurried into exile. Widows and orphans the government shipped wholesale to the West Indies - the boys for slaves - the women and girls for mistresses to the English sugar-planters. The merchants of Bristol - slave-dealers in the days of Strongbow - sent over their agents to hunt down and ensnare the wretched people. Orders were given them on the governors of jails and workhouses, for 'boys who were of an age to labor and women who were marriageable, or not past breeding.'"4 In the foregoing notice of Bristol exports, the words "West Indies" probably mean the best American market, no matter where. A curious chapter might be written on the word "Indies," and the historic mistakes which have resulted from misapprehensions of that geographical term. In 1652, Peter Heylyn, a standard English cosmographer, printed in his folio concerning the Western Hemisphere: "It is sometimes called the New World. Its most usual yet somewhat improper name is America. The most improper name of all, and yet not much less used than that of America, is the West Indies."1 The English Historical Register for 1715 and long afterward, in its record of current events, constantly sets down under the heading "West Indies," news from Virginia, and even New York and Boston. Some of those whom Bristol vessels had transported were brought to New England and sold there. One result was that, in 1654, a committee appointed by the General Court of the colony of Massachusetts to consider proposals for the public benefit, submitted the following report: - This Court, considering the cruel and malignant spirit that has from time to time been manifest in the Irish nation against the English nation, do hereby declare their prohibition of bringing any Irish, men, women, or children, into this jurisdiction, on the penalty of £50 sterling to each inhabitant who shall buy of any merchant, shipmaster, or other agent any such person or persons so transported by them; which fine shall be by the country's marshall levied on conviction of some magistrate or court, onethird to be to the use of the informer, and two-thirds to the country. This act to be in force six months after the publication of this order. October 29, 1654. DAN. GOOKIN, THOMAS SAVAGE, ROGER CLAPP, RICHARD RUSSELL, FRANCIS NORTON. A similar act had been previously passed. There is a record of persons who, in 1652, made application for the remission of fines which had been imposed upon them for the offence specified above.2 New England legislation concerning the bringing in of transports for sale was very variable. In general, such imports were desiderated. In 1709 the General Court of Massachusetts offered a bounty of forty shillings to any one who would bring in and dispose in service (that is, sell into bondage more or less lasting) any white male between the ages of eight and twenty-five years.3 No doubt Massachusetts wished to shut out bad immigrants. Hence a statute had been made in 1700 to fine shipmasters £5 for every passenger whose name, character, and circumstances they had failed to deliver in writing to the custom-house officer, who was bound to transmit that list to the town clerk. These names were those of servants as well as of others. In 1722 this penalty was increased to £100.1 The rosters thus formed would have been a copious source of historical information. But they have been sought for long and vainly. The opposition to Irish imports, perhaps never general, had soon worn away. In 1680 the governor of Massachusetts reported to the home government, "There may be within our limits about one hundred and twenty negroes, bought for about £20 apiece, and it may be as many Scotch brought hither and sold for servants in the time of war with Scotland, mostly now married and living here, and about half as many Irish brought at several times and sold as servants."2 It seems surprising that the census of Scots was but little over one hundred, when more than four hundred of them had been imported within the last thirty years. The dwindling of their number is said to have come to pass from their being, spite of Cotton's humanitarian claims, largely exported and sold again into other colonies.3 The original consignment of 272 Scots is suspiciously worded, and leads us to fear that if any of them could have been best disposed of in Barbadoes they would not have been sold in Boston.4 For more than a hundred years afterwards Irish were brought into Boston and sold. No doubt some were felons, and whatever their antecedents they had good testimonials from their sellers. In 1730 Colonel Josiah Willard of Lunenburg, while in Boston, was invited to take a walk on Long Wharf and view some transports who had just arrived from Ireland. He observed a lad of some vivacity, and who was the only one he found that could speak English. This boy, one of a number who had been put ashore to exhibit their activity to those who wished to purchase, said that he had been kidnapped and then sold by pirates in the Irish Sea to the Boston-bound vessel. Willard bought the boy, brought him up, and gave him his niece as a wife. This story, told by that wife, Susanna Johnson, in her Captivity, published at Walpole, N.H., in 1796, is curiously confirmed by Boston newspapers of 1730. The first issue of the News-Letter in October, 1730, says, "Entered, Dove, Sterling Capt. from Dublin." In the next issue we read, "Some servant lads on the ship Dove at the Long wharf; their time of service to be disposed of."1 If fewer transports were imported into New England than into more southern colonies, the reason was that they sold at higher rates in Southern markets, which also by their staple, tobacco, furnished better return freight to English vessels. Virginia and Maryland were held of more commercial value than all the other United States colonies. Imports were naturally in proportion to exports.2 Some Northern colonies were planted, - to use an old writer's words, - as emunctories or sinks of states to drain away their filth. One of the earliest United States colonies was in Maine, at the Sagadahoc. Its founder was Chief Justice Popham. Says an old writer, Lloyd, "He provided for malefactors, and first set up the discovery of New England to employ those who could not live honestly in the old." Another contemporary, Anthony Wood, says: "Popham was the first person who invented the plan of sending criminals as founders of colonies, which, says Aubrey, he stocked out of all the jails in England," Thomas Fuller adds: "It was rather bitterly than falsely said concerning one of our Western plantations, consisting mostly of dissolute people, that it was very like England - as being spit out of the very mouth of it."1 It is not certain whether Bacon thought of Maine or Virginia, or of general custom in planting colonies, when he wrote: "It is a shameful and unblessed thing to take the scum of people and wicked condemned men to be the people with whom you plant."2 In the first decade of Philadelphia, as in the infancy of most colonies, all laborers were welcome no matter what their previous condition, character, or other antecedents. Accordingly, in 1685, a shipper who had brought thither transports from England and intended to take them to Virginia, was summoned before the council. But he was armed with indentures which ran that his transports were "bound to serve him or his assignee for four years from their arrival in Virginia or any other part of America." This formula was a natural expedient for giving the sellers of transports the largest choice of markets for their merchandise. But Pennsylvanians were from early days opposed to receiving convicts. In 1722,4 May 5, their assembly passed an act for imposing a duty on "persons guilty of heinous crimes, and imported into the province as servants or otherwise," They passed another in 1729.5 The governor, however, like the chief magistrates in other provinces, was forbidden by the king to approve any act of this sort. In 1731, his instructions were as follows: "Whereas acts have been passed in America for laying duties on felons imported, - in direct opposition to an act of Parliament for the more effectual transportation of felons, - it is our royal will and pleasure that you approve of no duties laid on the importation of any felons into Pennsylvania."6 Longing for a protective tariff was an original sin in Pennsylvanians, and their opposition to free trade may have been doubled by the determination of King George to force it upon them. Convicts were exported to New York. In 1693, June 12, the Committee of Trade asked that all the convicts who were in Newgate for transportation might be sent to New York.1 In 1677, John Brown, a Quaker, was shipped from the island of Nevis to Long Island.2 As early as 1630, the Dutch were zealous to build up their colony on the Hudson. With this view the government offered to men of property, or patroons, who would emigrate thither, vast tracts of land, and, further, that "their High Mightinesses shall exert themselves to provide the patroons with persons bound to service who shall be obliged to serve out their bounden time." Persons, as the editor remarks, here means vagabonds who live in idleness and crime. Transports were desired in Rhode Island. In 1714, bringing in any Indian as servant or slave was prohibited under a penalty of £50. The reason given for this law was that such importations "daily discouraged the importing of white servants from Great Britain," etc.4 We have seen that orders from the Privy Council, or from judges and even inferior magistrates, sent felons convict into American colonies from their earliest stages; but nothing tended so powerfully and continuously and lastingly to bring about such deportations as a statute of 1718.5 This act provided that persons convicted of clergyable offences, such as burglary, robbery, perjury, forgery, and theft, - after being sentenced to death, - might, if their crimes did not seem too heinous, "at the discretion of the court be transported to America for at least seven years," remaining punishable with death without further trial if they should return before the expiration of their sentence. A reason assigned for this enactment was the great want of servants (still a favorite euphemism for slaves) who might be the means of improving the colonial plantations and making them more useful to His Majesty. Thanks to early English periodicals, the workings of this Georgian law are clearly traceable from first to last. On April 26, 1718, according to the Historical Register,6 "twenty-nine malefactors at the Old Bailey were ordered to be transported." Before the end of the year, 134 were so ordered. On August 23, 1718, "106 convicts, that were ordered for transportation, were taken out of Newgate and put on board a lighter at Blackwall stairs, from whence they were carried through the Bridge to Long Reach, and there shipped on board the Eagle galley, Captain Staples commander, bound to Virginia and Maryland." In 1719, January 19, the names of those "cast for transportation" are given; six of the eighteen were feminine. "May 11, 105 out of Newgate, the Marshalsea, and several other country prisons, were put on shipboard, to be transported to Maryland." "October 27, 1720, 92 felons taken out of Newgate, and 62 out of the Marshalsea, were put on shipboard to be transported to Virginia." The notices in the Historical Register continue for ten consecutive years. During that decade the number ordered for transportation was 2138. Names are usually mentioned, and not a few are feminine. The destination, when not Virginia or Maryland, is American plantations, or America. "September 12, 1722, 35 were ordered for transportation. Among these was Sir Charles Burton of Lincolnshire, Bart., who was convicted of stealing a cornelian ring set in gold." After 1727 no printed notice of transports is known to the present writer till the Gentleman's Magazine was started in 1731. The record there on Tuesday, March 9,1 is: "Upwards of a hundred convicts were removed from Newgate to be transported to America." Other periodicals gave more particulars. Thus in the London Magazine of 1732 (I. 368) we read: "October 26, sixty-eight men and fifty women felons convict were taken from Newgate, and put on board a lighter to be carried down the river, to be shipped on board the Cæsar off Deptford, for transportation to Virginia." In this work, however, court reports ceased after a while; yet onward for more than forty years, even up to the opening of the American Revolution, the numbers "cast for transportation" are chronicled in the Gentleman's Magazine, but in the briefest form, usually with no mention of names or sex. A few culprits were noted as from jails in Gloucester, Salisbury, Monmouth, Exeter, Hereford, St. Edmunds, Newcastle, Kingston, Maidstone, Derby, Chelmsford, Winchester, etc. Soon, however, provincial transports were passed unnoticed. But those from the Old Bailey, who averaged more than a score at every session, never failed of a line. The first five volumes show a roster of 887 convict transports, and all subsequent volumes proportional numbers. It would not be safe to reckon the total of involuntary emigrants sent forth from the Old Bailey alone as less than 10,000 between 1717 and 1775. There must exist sources of information more complete and exact than those the present writer has been able to discover, and showing the proceedings of all provincial courts as well as that in the metropolis. It is hoped that the publication of the present paper will arouse other investigators. The London Magazine, though not so persistent a chronicler as the Gentleman's, often furnishes fuller reports. The following is its account - much abridged - of Henry Justice, Esq.: - Sat., May 8, 1736, came on . . . the trial of Henry Justice of the Middle Temple, for stealing out of the library of Trinity-College, Cambridge, a Field's Bible with cuts and Common-prayer, value 25 l., Newcastle's Horsemanship, value 10 l., several other books of great value, several Tracts cut out of books, etc. . . . The counsel of Mr. Justice were Mr. Winne, Mr. Agar, and Mr. Robinson. [After many objections, pleading not guilty, he was proved so by witnesses; he then claimed to be a member of the Trinity corporation, etc., but the jury found him guilty of felony within benefit of clergy. He was then charged with stealing other books, and after six hours pleaded guilty.] Mond. 10, Mr. Justice being brought to the Old Bailey to receive sentence, desired the court, - Lord Hardwick, Mr. Justice Denton, etc. - that as they had a discretionary power either to transport, or to burn in the hand, etc., he might not be sent abroad, which would, first, be a great injury to his children, and to his clients with several of whom he had great concerns. Secondly, for the sake of the University. He had numbers of books belonging to them, some sent to Holland, and if he were transported he could not make restitution. As for himself, he would rather go abroad, having lived in credit before this unhappy mistake, as he called it. He hoped the gentlemen of the University, several of whom he believed to be present, would intercede for him. The Deputy Recorder, in a very handsome speech, commiserated his case, - telling him that his education, profession, etc., greatly aggravated his crime. After which he pronounced sentence - that he must be transported to some one of his Majesty's plantations in America - there to remain seven years, - and be put to death if he returned, etc. It will be observed that the particular colony to which this legal luminary was doomed is not mentioned. Possibly, however, it is not beyond discovery. Seven days afterward, May 17, the Gentleman's Magazine chronicle is: - A hundred felons-convict walked from Newgate to Black-fryars, and thence went in a close lighter on board a ship at Blackwall. But Weathercock the attorney, Messrs. Ruffhead, Vaughn, and Bird went to Blackwall in two hackney coaches, and Henry Justice, Esq., Barrister at law, in another, two hours after the walking felons, attended by Jonathan Forward, Esq. These five gentlemen of distinction were accommodated with the captain's cabin, which they stored with provisions, etc., for their voyage and travels. The above-mentioned Weathercock, Ruffhead, and Bird had been condemned to death, but their sentence was commuted to transportation for life.1 The transatlantic career of Henry Justice has not been as yet ascertained. There is a possibility that he became the instructor of our foremost man. Jonathan Boucher, rector at Annapolis in 1768 and for many years before the Revolution, and tutor to Washington's step-son, Parke Custis, relates that George Washington, with whom he claims "very particular intimacy and friendship," had no other education than reading, writing, and accounts, which he was taught by a convict servant whom his father had bought for a schoolmaster.2 "Not a ship arrives," adds Boucher, "with either redemptioners or convicts, in which schoolmasters are not as regularly advertised for sale as weavers, tailors, or any other trade; with little other difference that I can hear of, except perhaps that the former do not usually fetch so good a price as the latter." A similar felon, perhaps a pedagogue, had been advertised thus in 1722: "Ran away from Rev. D. Magill, Upper Marlborough, Maryland, a servant, clothed with damask breeches and vest, black broadcloth coat, broadcloth cloak of copper color lined and trimmed with black, and wearing black stockings."3 This runaway, having absconded so far that his antecedents were unsuspected, may then, thanks to his imposing outfit, if his demeanor did not belie the promise of his clothes, have secured a position which his reverend Presbyterian master would have envied. In 1737, the next year after the advent of Henry Justice, when a vessel with transports arrived at Annapolis, she was found to have on board no less than sixty-six indentures signed by the mayor of Dublin (to serve as testimonials), and twenty-two wigs. Both wigs and indentures were denounced as "an arrant cheat detected, being evidently brought for no other purpose than to give a respectable appearance to the convicts when they should go ashore."4 Supercargoes, who had bought as cheap as they could, sold as dear as they could. For this purpose, like other sellers, they used every art to make their wares as tempting as possible in the eyes of possible purchasers. Not a few of the involuntary immigrants had been kidnapped and spirited away, - and so were martyrs and innocents. More were gentlemen in manners and scholars in culture. This fact made buyers more credulous regarding the certificates of good moral character and the forged affidavits which sellers were always ready to furnish. The destination of convicts is frequently unmentioned, and they were doubtless sent to those of the American plantations to which conveyance could be procured at the cheapest rate. The sheriff invited bids for transportation and shipped off convicts by the lowest bidder, and cared not where they were carried. But occasionally, as in 1753, July 13, when upwards of one hundred transports were shipped, it is added, "from Newgate for Virginia and Maryland."1 The record of Old Bailey sentences, except in capital cases, is usually, as printed in the Gentleman's Magazine, a monotonous formula, - a numerical figure, then "cast for transportation." Frequently only this and nothing more. The most frequent addition is "to the American plantations." Further specifications are either to Virginia or Maryland, or both. But exceptional felons are shown up in characteristic details. Among these are such as follow. In 1740, February 10, William Duell was transported for life. He had been hung at Tyburn, November 24, but when laid out for dissection at Surgeon's Hall, came to life. September 18, 1751, Philip Gibson, who had been condemned to death for a street robbery, would not accept the offer of fourteen years' transportation, and insisted on his former sentence, which was that he should be hanged. After the court had argued with him some time, he was continued to consider of it till the next sessions. October 21, Gibson accepted the commutation. September 19, 1750, Escote, a tobacconist, for buying 40,000 pounds of tobacco at sixpence a pound, was sentenced to fourteen years' transportation. "1767, Feb. 10, fourteen transports from Durham, Newcastle, and Morpeth, were put on board the Jenny, Captain Blagdon, bound for Virginia, at which time ten young artificers shipped themselves for America [paying for passage by selling themselves into bondage for a long time after]. One of these indented servants has enlisted into 46 regiments, been whipped out of 19, sentenced to be shot six times, been confined in 73 jails, appeared under the character of quack doctor in seven kingdoms, and now is only in the thirty-second year of his age."2 Not all felons shipped for America arrived there. "In 1748, Feb. 28, thirty-seven convicts, being the remains of 135 that suffered shipwreck in the Downs, bound for Maryland, made their escape out of a lighter in which they were brought back above London Bridge. The jailer has refused to receive them back." No doubt he was of the same type with watchman Dogberry who, when a vagrom man would not stand at his bidding, "called the rest of the watch together and thanked God that he was rid of a knave." The following transported felon's adventure deserves to be classed with truths that are stranger than fiction: On May 13, 1773, a correspondent wrote the London Magazine as follows: - Some time ago one Sarah Wilson, who attended upon Miss Vernon, sister to Lady Grosvenor, and maid of honour to the queen, having found means to be admitted into one of the royal apartments, took occasion to break open a cabinet, and rifled it of many valuable jewels, for which she was apprehended, tried, and condemned to die: but through the interposition of her mistress, her sentence was softened into transportation. Accordingly, in the fall of 1771, she was landed in Maryland, where she was exposed to sale and purchased. After a short residence in that place, she very secretly decamped, and escaped into Virginia, travelled through that colony and through North to South Carolina. When at a proper distance from her purchaser, she assumed the title of the Princess Susanna Carolina Matilda, pronouncing herself to be an own sister to our sovereign lady the queen. She had carried with her clothes that served to favour the deception, and had secured a part of the jewels together with Her Majesty's picture. She travelled from one gentleman's house to another under these pretensions, making astonishing impressions in many places, affecting the mode of royalty so inimitably that many had the honour to kiss her hand. To some she promised governments, to others regiments, with promotions of all kinds in the treasury, army, and the royal navy. In short, she acted her part so plausibly as to persuade the generality that she was no impostor. In vain did many sensible gentlemen in those parts exert themselves to detect and make a proper example of her; for she had levied heavy contributions upon some persons of the highest rank in the southern colonies. At length, however, an advertisement appeared, and a messenger arrived from her master, who raised a loud hue and cry for her serene highness. The lady was then on an excursion of a few miles to a neighboring plantation, for which place the messenger had set out when the gentleman who brought this information left Charles-town [Charleston].1 "1773, Jan'y 19. Five convicts were executed at Tyburn. John Lowe was to have been executed at the same time for returning from transportation. He was, however, reprieved because he had been transported for receiving a shilling for the carriage of a goose that had been stolen, of which theft he declared that he was ignorant" (p. 44). The last record I discover of a transport chronicled in the Gentleman's Magazine, is in October, 1774. Then the Hon. Mrs. Elizabeth Grieve was sentenced for seven years. "Her offence was defrauding divers persons under pretence of procuring them places under the government. She had before rendered herself famous by pretending to be cousin to the Duke of Grafton, and to have various other connections of the first rank" (p. 492). It was very convenient for those who were pestered by poor relations to be able to ship them off over sea. In 1775 the self-same felons, who if convicted the year before would have entered America as slaves, came over as belligerent soldiers. At an earlier date their sentences had been sometimes commuted from transportation to enlistment. Notices of the landing of convicts beyond the seas are not wanting, though not so frequent as the accounts of their shipment. American newspapers were few, and reporters fewer. But the Boston Gazette (May 8, 1753), says: - Arrived at Severn, Maryland, April 5, the Greyhound with 90 persons doomed to stay 7 years in his Majesty's American plantations. April 19, arrived from Biddeford 27 men and women for the well-peopling this or some other American plantation. A report that a vessel with servants from Ireland was ashore at the Capes, and that the servants had mutinied and killed all the crew. Again, 1755, July 10, "More than 100 seven year passengers have arrived at Annapolis." Now and then, Virginia and Maryland editors, as Scharf shows, exchanged ironical congratulations on safe arrivals of cargoes of king's passengers, and seven-year recruits. In a few instances we discover in Scharf the names of those who bought each convict in a shipload. The names of felons transported are seldom mentioned in the Gentleman's Magazine, except in those cases when they returned and were sentenced to be hanged. Those names, however, I have ascertained to be all preserved and accessible by American genealogists who go abroad for tracing their ancestry. Accordingly, I have urged Mr. H. F. Waters, who has been employed in London for years in searching out the lineage of Bostonians, to betake himself to the Old Bailey. Its proceedings fill 110 manuscript volumes.1 Here Mr. Waters may be sure of a harvest; elsewhere, at Somerset House, the Herald's office, the records of archiepiscopal Canterbury, and so forth, he has gathered only gleanings, and those scanty by comparison. I have myself tested the Old Bailey archives. Reading in the Gentleman's Magazine, that on July 17, 1731, "3 were burnt in the hand, and 32 ordered for transportation," I asked London Notes and Queries to publish the names of the thirty-two transports. My request was printed October 15, 1887.1 The very next month, November 12, the names of the thirty-two were all published. They were John Aidridge, Elizabeth Armstrong, alias Little Bess, Richard Bennet, Martha Brannan, John Brown, Hugh Cambell, Elizabeth Camphill, alias Cambell, William Carnegy, John Coghill, Henry Cole, Mary Coslin, Catharine Cox, John Cross, Eleanor Davis, George Emly, James Emly, John Haynes, James Hobbs, Thomas Jones, Antonio Key, Thomas Macculler, Martin Nanny, John Payne, Thomas Petit, Luke Powel, Daniel Ray, Elizabeth Roberts, John Rogers, Mary Row, Thomas Taylor, Anne Todd, Jane Vaughn. In the Old Bailey archives, then, the Japhets who seek for their fathers cannot fail to find a mine little explored and well-nigh exhaustless. This chain of research is, however, weakened by a broken link. We discover John Smith's name in the Old Bailey books; but who can prove that when sold in America he did not go by another name? The master who had bought a wig for his chattel, would not grudge him an aristocratic name in keeping with that dignifying decoration, especially as it might make a plebeian more salable. It is also possible that the name John Smith, even on the Old Bailey books, is itself a misnomer, and should have been written quite otherwise. Through such a series of aliases genealogical confusion is raised to a second power. Our countrymen of Scotch descent, however, will at the Old Bailey meet with less genealogical helps than those of English origin. The reason is that the statute of 1718, thanks to which so many Englishmen left their country for their country's good, was not extended to Scotland until half a century afterward, in 1768. Dr. Franklin describes himself as protesting to the British Parliament against this extension. The old law, Franklin said, had been a great grievance, but if English felons were to be reinforced by Scotch, the burden would become intolerable. At all events, he claimed reciprocity. If Scotland must send her felons to the plantations, let the plantations send their felons to Scotland. But, speaking seriously, Franklin2 called the emptying of English jails upon the colonies the most cruel insult ever offered by one nation to another. No question regarding convicts shipped to America is so hard to answer as that which relates to the particular colony in which each gang of them was put ashore. Mention of Virginia, Maryland, and Jamaica or Barbadoes is not infrequent, but I could find no notice of any single transport landed in New England except the Scotch and Irish of whom I have spoken. When I wrote to Notes and Queries asking for the name of such a New England convict, the name "Elizabeth Canning" was given me. Concerning Elizabeth Canning the notice in the Gentleman's Magazine1 is this: - 1754, July 28. Elizabeth Canning is ordered to be transported to some of his Majesty's American colonies, and has been delivered to the merchant who contracted with the court, to be transported accordingly. And 'tis certain that in case she be found at large in this Kingdom before the expiration of seven years, she will be liable to the pains of death. There is here no evidence that Elizabeth Canning was shipped to New England, rather than to some other American plantation. In a later volume, however, of the Gentleman's Magazine,2 it is stated that "she died at Wethersfield in Connecticut in the year 1773, after having been married to a person of the name of Treat, or some name sounding like that." It is added that notice of her death appeared, in 1773, in Say's Weekly Journal. Writing once more to Notes and Queries in order to ascertain the name of the vessel in which Elizabeth Canning was transported, I received the following answer:3 "If we can take the London Journals of 1754 to have been correctly informed, the name of the vessel in which Elizabeth Canning had her passage was the Myrtilda, Captain Budden, which cleared from Deal Aug. 26, and her destination was Philadelphia." The names of nineteen others who were sentenced to transportation at the same time with her were also furnished. But it still seems odd that a transport who was to be landed in New England should be put on board a vessel bound for Philadelphia. No doubt this vessel's homeward voyage was by way of New England.4 The present article is by no means so complete as the writer hoped to make it. His sources of information have been limited. | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
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| The Blackheath Connection, by Dan Byrnes Re: Darby Lux and the transportation of convicts to Annapolis "In the colonies, the certificates of convicts' arrivals were signed by the governors or custom officials, and then the ships' masters delivered their convicts to colonial agents or factors who "sold" the convicts into the labour market. These factors often dealt in tobacco exporting, and importing and distributing finished goods of British manufacture. Complex networks were built. One of the first ships listed for Virginia in 1720 was ------ Honour Capt. Richard Langley. The convicts rose during a storm at sea, took the ship and sailed her to the Spanish coast. ([34]) By this time, family partnerships were to be attracted into the trade. About 23 April, 1720 John Lux, the mate of the ship Susannah and Sarah came to Annapolis. ([35]) Departing England in October 1720, was the ship Gilbert Capt. Darby Lux for Maryland. ([36]) As noted earlier, men named Lux were to have a long engagement in the convict service from London. Coldham notes, Darby Lux had Forward's new ship Jonathan, sank by a fire in 1724. About 18 May, 1721 Capt. Darby Lux was on Gilbert, probably on his second voyage ([37]). He made eleven more voyages in the convict service, seven on Patapsco Merchant. Darby Lux's last voyage was in 1738, after which he settled in Maryland to act as general agent for Forward, and he still acted in Maryland as Forward's agent in 1749. " http://www.danbyrnes.com.au/blackheath/thebc8.htm | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
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| Holborn Parish church of St Andrew (1558-1952) Holborn is the smallest of the metropolitan boroughs, 405 acres, and the probable meaning of its name is the brook or bourne in the hollow. It comprises four parishes - St Giles' in the Field, see below; St George's, Bloomsbury; St George the Martyr, Queen Square; St Peter's, Saffron Hill; and the part of St Andrew's, Holborn, which is outside the City. It is bounded on the north by St Pancras, north-east and east by Finsbury, south-east by the City of London, south by Westminster, and west by Westminster, St Marylebone and St Pancras. In Woburn Square is a little early Gothic revival church by Vulliamy (1833) containing a reredos designed by Burne-Jones in memory of Christina Rossetti, who lived nearby and in Gordon Square is the great Catholic Apostolic church by Brandon (1854). St George the Martyr is a parish carved out of St Andrew's Holborn in 1723, the church in Queen's Square having been built in 1706 as a Chapel of Ease. It was so completely transformed in 867 that it is of little interest. In the parish of St Andrew's Holborn was Furnival's Inn. Bedford Row is a street of fine old 18th century houses mostly occupied by the legal profession. The name, like that of Harpur Street, is due to a local benefactor, Sir William Harpur of Bedford who was Lord Mayor in 1561. Theobalds Road was part of the route to the favourite country resort of James I, Theobalds in Hertfordshire. Ely Place commemorates a London palace of the Bishops of Ely, the earliest record are from 1286 when the bishop was John de Kirkby. When he died in 1290, he bequesthed a messuage and adjoining tenements to his successor. The will refers to the property as in the parish of St Andrew near Holborn. Kirkby's successor was Wm du Luda, who held the see between 1290 and 1298. It is believed that the chapel on the ground left by Kirkby during this time. The garden at Ely was noted for it's strawberrys, as recorded in Shakespeare's Richard III, where the Duke of Gloster says, "My Lord of Ely when I was last in Holborn, I saw good strawberries in your garden there, I do beseech you send for some of them." The gardens on the bishop sloped down to the River Fleet; and probably Plum Tree Court, Saffron Hill and Vine Street derive there name from them. Saffron Hill - once a liberty or area free from jurisdiction of the county sheriffs and magistrates, and the haunt of undesirable characters. It is the background for much of Oliver Twist. The thoroughfare known as Ely place is unique in several respects. The gate is closed nightly at 10, and up to 1939 from that hour until 6am one of the three watchmen, on duty in turn, paraded round the cul-de-sac calling out the hours. At one time the weather was also announced. Next to the chapel is St Audrey's House. St Audrey was a popular name for St Etheldreda, who died of a tumour to in the throat caused by the early love of necklaces. At the fair at Ely, necklaces and lace were sold as St Audrey's. From this was derived the word tawdry, "You promised ma a tawdry-lace and a pair of sweet gloves." Winter's Tale. To the west of Ely Place and Hatton Garden, taking its name from Sir Christopher Hatton who acquired the property from the Bishops of Ely. The annual rent for the gate-house was a red rose and 10 loads of hay plus £ 10 for the grounds including an orchard. Between 1620 and 1624 the palace was occupied by the Spanish Embassy and in 1643 Ely Place was made a prison by the Long Parliament, and the Serjeant-at-Arms was appointed keeper, with a charge that the chapel and the gardens receive no injury. Nearby in a somewhat dilapidated condition, a charity school, designed by Wren in 1696 [ The school building is there and in fine condition - author's comment. ]. The Mitre Tavern, at the Holborn end of Hatton garden, is quite modern, but on its façade is a mitre that bears the date 1546 and may have been on a much earlier tavern, or on some part of the Bishop of Ely's palace. Inside is an old cherry tree which it is claimed dates back to Elizabeth's reign. Two favoured statements must be denied. There is no underground passage to St Etheldreda's Chapel, and the tavern is not under the jurisdiction of the Cambridge or Ely justices. Holborn Viaduct was constructed between 1863 and 1869, which demolition of house starting in 1863. It was formally opened by Queen Victoria on 6th November 1869, the same day as the new Blackfriars Bridge. It is 1,400 feet long and 80 feet wide. The bridge crosses the bed of the River Fleet Churches in Holborn: Ely Chapel Holy Trinity, Gray's Inn Road Holy Trinity, Kingsway St George, Bloomsbury Way | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
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| Excerpt from 'The Fairfax Proprietary" by Josiah Look Dickinson Subject: Edward Corder's lease at Greenway Court CHAPTER EIGHT GREENWAY COURT MANOR The Lessees and Owners [p.46] As with Leeds and Gooney run, there is no considerable amount of information to be had to the identity of the early settlers in Greenway Court Manor. Seven names are mentioned in connection with the survey of the manor. The land disposed of in settling the estate of Colonel Thomas Bryan Martin is shown by the map herewith and the tracts were given numbers by the maker of the map. Any information that was available is given following the numbers. Lot 1. & 1-A. Lot 1-A was sold to Thomas Chester by Robert McKay, Jr. and by Chester's executors to Lord Fairfax. At the time of this sale Robert Ha'penny and Richard Foley were living there. In the sale of Greenway Court Manor it was sold with Lot 1 to William Hand, "where he lives". This is the site of the Front Royal Recreation Park and golf course. William Hand likely came from the Hand family who came up the Rappahannock River and owned land in Chester Gap, among the earliest recorded deeds. Hands Ferry, one of the last to be discontinued, was operated from this land. Lot 2. Sold to Major Richard Bryarly who was a large speculator in Greenway Court Manor lands and in leases in Leeds Manor. His military title came from service in the War of 1812. He was teh son of thomas Bryarly of Harford County, Maryland. He sold his holdings around Greenway Court and bought land in Berkeley County, and is buried in the graveyard of Morgan's Chapel at Bunker Hill. Lots 1 & 2 were the only lots to have river frontage out of the whole manor. Lot 3. Sold to Jacob McCoy (McKay) Lot 4. Not accounted for. Lot 5. Sold to Moses McCoy, "lease to Elec (or Eli) Richards". Lot 6. Sold to Richard Bryarly, "lease to Thomas Grubbs". The Grubbs family was among the early Quakers. A deed from Joist Hite, Orange County, 1734, reads: "to John Grubb, miller of Brandywine Hundred in the County of Newcastle upon Delaware." [p.47] Lot 7. Sold to Richard Bryarly, "lease to Joshua Antram" -- a Quaker who married into the McKay family. Lot 8. Sold to William Cook. William Cook also owned the farm and house known as "Willow Brook", which he purchased from John Haines. Mr. Cook was one of the first Justice of Warren County, and his will, probated in 1843, disposed of considerable wealth. Lot 9. Not accounted for. Lot 10. Sold to John Fawcett, "held by him under lease for 21 years". The Fawcetts were Irish Quakers who came to Pennsylvania in the early 18th century, some of them appearing in the Shenandoah Valley around 1745, and originally settling in the south-western part of Frederick County on a tract of 1,450 acres, some of which is still in possession of the family.John Fawcett married a grand daughter of William Farnley and came to own a part of the Farnley portion of the Borden tract. Lot 11. Sold to Moses McCoy, "lot of John Lee". Lot 12. Sold to Richard Bryarly, "lease of Serinus Emmons, where he lives". Lot 13. Sold to Richard Bryarly, "lease to Isaac Davis, where he lives". Lots 14 & 21. Sold to Isaiah Oglesby, "part of lot leased to Robert Haines". The Oglesbys were a Scotch Quakers family, who first settled in Pennsylvania. Were members of "Crooked Run Meeting". Lot 15. Sold to Jacob Painter. The Painters also had land from Branson and Hite, and were members of the "Crooked Run Meeting". Lot 16. Sold to John Romine. This name also appears in Leeds Manor. Lot 17 & Site 17-A. These two sites are associated with two of the seven "adventurers" mentioned in the survey of Greenway Court. Thomas Thornton was mentioned as being at about Lot 17, but does not show up in our picture again. Edward Corder was at 17-A at the time of the survey and shows up later at Lot 17 with the first lease from Lord Fairfax on record in Frederick County. The first site occupied by Edward Corder, as can be seen from the map, was about a mile south-west from the house of Greenway Court. There has been considerable speculation, considering the liberal terms of the lease, as to just what the deal was, and his lordship clearly indicated that the joke was on him. Some of [p.48] the more important phrases are quoted, the rest being in the form used later in the "Leases for Lives". The deal: "Witnesseth that the said Thomas Lord Fairfax for and in consideration of the rents and Covenants hereinafter expressed hath demised let and to farm let unto the said Edward one messuage Tenement of parcel of land situate lying and being in the County aforesaid parcel of a larger tract...called & known by the name of Greenway Court & being also the plantation whereon the said Edward now lives...To Have and To hold the said messuage and tenement & two hundred acres of land with the appurtenances unto the said Edward fromt eh day of the date hereof for & during the natural life of him the said Edward and for and during the natural life of ______________ his wife and each of them the longest living Yielding & Paying therefor on the twenty fifth day of December every year during the said Term unto the said Lord Fairfax his heirs and assigns or to his cook or steward one large fat turkey ready for roasting -- (Quanto empto? parvi. Quanti ergo? Octo assibus. Eheu.)* And if it shall so happen that the said yearly rent should be behind and unpaid by the space of twelve hours after the same ought to be paid at any time during the said term or that the said turkey when tendered should not be fat & ready for use and no sufficient distress upon the premises to the value thereof is or may be found whereby the same may be levied then it shall be lawful to and for the said Lord Fairfax his heirs and assigns into the said demised premises with the appurtenances to reenter and the same again to hold..." "The said Edward" agreed to build "one good and sufficient dwelling house" and to plant an orchard. Also not "to commit waste or hunt, kill or destroy or suffer to be killed, hunted or destroyed any Dear Bears or Elks or other game without the consent of the said Lord Fairfax." [1] *(A quotation from Horace) -- With how much bought? With a little. Therefore how much? With eight assess (a Roman coin of very small value). Oh! Except for the interest that the rate of rental and the joke that Lord Fairfax put on record against himself excited, we could close this story by saying: Lot 17. Sold to Edmund Newman, "two hundred acres, the Edward Corder Lease, being part of the Manor of Greenway Court and whereon (Unnamed) Corder now lives and who has her life therein under lease".[2] 1. Frederick Co. Deed Book 2, p. 412 2. Frederick Co. Deed Book 26, p. 8 A little calculation [p.49] shows that 200 acres of land was rented for one fat turkey per year for more than 47 years -- for we don't know how much longer ________ Corder lived. So, we're left wondering how well his lordship's sense of humor would have responded as the joke got bigger. Lots 18 & 26. Sold to Bayley (Bayly & Bailey) Shumate. Had considerable estate that was settled in court of Warren County.. Lot 19. Sold to Richard Bryarly, "lease to Joseph Clevenger, where he lives". Lot 20. Sold to Jacob Painter, "part of the lease of Robt. Haynes dec'd. Beginning at a stake 3 poles from South corner of Quaker Graveyard". Lot 22. Sold to Stephen Grubbs, a corner with lot of "New Meeting House lot" -- Zion Primative Baptist Church at Nineveh. Lots 23 & 33. Sold to Oliver Fusnten. No. 33 known as "Joshua Swayne tract". The Funstens were an Irish Quaker family who had moved from Uwchland, near Philadelphia, about the close of the Revolution, to White Post. By purchase and by marriage into the Ridgeway and McKay families they became large land owners. Lots 24 & 27. Sold to Richard Bryarly, "unimproved lots." Lot 25. Sold to Mandly Taylor. Became quite well-to-do and was prominent in the early affairs of Warren County. He had also served as sheriff of Frederick County. Lots 28 & 42. Sold to Jacob Weaver from Prince William county and of the Weavers who were settlers at "Germanna". Lot 29. Sold to Richard Bryarly, "unimproved lot and leased lot of the Widow of Robert Haines". Lot 30. Sold to John Brownley, "inlcuding a lot leased to Abraham Clevenger, dec'd." An early chancery suit in Frederick County records shows that the Brownleys came to Virginia from New Jersey along with the Tuleys, Bransons, Hamptons, Morgans and others. Lot 31. Sold to John Haines, Jr., "lease of John Howell". The Haines family were Quakers who came from Pennsylvania and bought land from Joist Hite that bordered on the river just above the "Rock Hill" plantation. The Howells moved to Clarke County, Ohio, in 1834. Lot 32. Sold to Richard Bryarly, "lease to Lewis Chastean, where he lives." Lewis Chastean was a preacher who had come from the Rappahannock Valley and seems to have been related to or connected by marriage with the Rust and Woodcock families. [end of transcription]96 | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
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| TRANSPORTATION RECORD From Newgate Prison to Maryland, departing January 1721 Newgate (Prison), London, England to Maryland departure January 1721 A true list of all the convicts and Felons taken from Newgate and Shipped on board the Gilbert Capt. Darby Lux Commander bound for Maryland and delivered on the one and thirtyeth day of Janry 1721 which said persons were delivered by Mr. Jona. Forward of London Mercht. These could be additional passengers for Ship Gilbert dated 31 January 1721 but were recorded separately. Jos: Andrews } Rog. Walton Eliz.e Parker } Eliz.e Mobbs } Sarah Herbert Wm. Wingfoild } Saml. Laws } Ja. Hogg Jno Swan ats Graves } Richd. Farthing } Anne Sweetman } Wm. Langley } Wm. Cryer Mary Clopper } Edwd. Corder } Ann Merrit * ats Watson Rebecca Moore } John Beaton } Han. Graham ats Grimes Thos. Simpson } Mary Harvey ats Coates } John Bickerton Alexa. Irvenoner } John Hart } Mary Goulston Jno. Warminger } Jon.a Brinley } Chas. Graystoke } Transcriber's Notes: In transcribing I have tried to keep the original case size of each word and spelling of this document and have not changed any punctuation or any known abbreviations. Several words were abbreviated. ats - seems to be "also known as" or an alias those in brackets were }Convicts in London These ships do not state a date of departure or arrival. The financial records are recorded from May 1720 to Nov 1725. | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
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| 21 May 1752 (H-179:) Thomas Bryan Martin nephew of Thomas Lord Fairfax of Frederick Co. 8840 A. in Frederick Co. Surv. Mr. John Baylis. On Opeckon adj. his plantation. He purchased 188 A. of John Nations. Desired inclusive Deed. Adj. Peter Wolf, Mess'rs Carter, opposite Wolfs new settlement, land of Burden, near Hampton's Plantation now Major Samuel Earle's, where Edward Corder lived, William Ramey, Thomas Thornton, Jost Hite, Shannondoah R., Robert Hapenny, Robert McKay's 828 acre tract, a part of Hite's grant, Chappel Road, Branson's Old Mill, James Kemp, Wright's Run. The 8840 A. tract to be called Manor of Greenway Court. 21 May 1752. | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
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| FREDERICK COUNTY ROAD ORDERS 1743-1772 G. Luckman and A.B. Miller, June 2005 (p. 6) 13 July 1744 O. S., FOB 1, p. 137 On the motion of Samuel Earle it is Ordered that John Rout[h] be Overseer of the Road from Gregorys Ford to the Top of the Ridge & that all the male labouring Tithables belonging to the Honble. Thomas Lord Fairfax's Quarter James Seabern Widow Borden William Remy Edward Rogers Jacob Peck Edwd Corder Thos Postgate John Painter James Burn Thomas Hooper John Gregory Richd. Gregory Benjn Gregory Saml Earle & John Oldrages work on the same & Observe the said Overseers Order & Directions in Clearing the same And its further Ordered that the said Rout keep the said Road in Good Repair According to Law -- (p. 9) 9 November 1744 O. S., FOB 1, p. 223 On the petition of Thomas Hankins Peter Woolf Edward Corder Darby Murphey Spencer Jons Isaac Gross Richard Pierceful John Read Marmaduke Vickory & John Nation for to have part of the Road which cometh from John Hites Mill Kersey's ford Cleared its Ordered that that part of the said Road from John Nations to the said ford be Cleared by the Petitioners & that John Nation be Overseer of the same & its further Ordered that he Keep the said Road in good repair according to Law -- (p.145) 1 August 1769, FOB 14 Part 2, p. 508 Upon the Petition of Sundry Inhabitants praying for a Road from Matthew Smith's Plantation to McCoys Chappell Ordered that Benjamin Oney Edward Rogers Edward Corder & Ralph Withers or any three of them being first sworne do Veiw the same & report the Conveniences & Inconveniences that may attend the opening a Road on the same. | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
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| 1752 Edward Corder mentioned in deed to Greenway Court No information regarding original source, but probably in the Frederick County Court records (H-179) 21 May 1752 "Thomas Bryan Martin nephew of Thomas Lord Fairfax of Frederick Co. 8840 A. in Frederick Co. Surv. Mr. John Baylis. On Opoeckon adj. his plantation. He purchased 188 A. of John Nations. Desired inclusive Deed. Adj. Peter Wolf, Mess'rs Carter, opposite Wolfs new settlement, land of Burden [Borden?], near Hampton's Plantation now Major Samuel Earle's, where Edward Corder lived, William Ramey, Thomas Thornton, Jost Hite, Shannondoah R., Robert Hapenny, Robert McKay's 828 acre tract, a part of Hite's grant, Chappel Road, Brandson's [Branson's] Old Mill, James Kemp, Wright's Run. The 8840 A. tract to be called Manor of Greenway Court. 21 May 1752." It is unclear to me if the phrase "where Edward Corder lived" refers to "opposite Wolfs new settlement" or to "land of Burden" or to "near Hampton's Plantation now Major Samuel Earle's", but I note that it seems to clearly state his living there as being past tense. It should also be noted that there was a connection between Charles Baker of Frederick County, Major Samuel Earle, and the Bransons family, into which Edward's probable son John married. [Laura Henderson, 2007] | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
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| Parish Records and the History of St. Andrew, Holborn, London [http://www.sog.org.uk/projects/sah/sahome.htm#] Excerpts from St Andrew, Holborn - Historical Notes prepared by Else Churchill As the population of London increased at such a rapid rate (by some 500 percent between 1500 and 1600), parishes outside the city walls, like St Andrew Holborn, saw themselves changing from semi-rural communities into crowded residential and business areas. Many of the incomers were outsiders, refugees and artisan immigrants from Continental Europe or English migrants from the shires. Related churches A new church to serve the fine people was eventually carved out of the western part of the parish when the chapel of St George the Martyr was built in Queens Square in the 1706. The gentrification of the western edge of the parish was begun in the seventeenth century when the fields to the west of Lincoln's Inn were not laid out with walks to the approval of the Society of Lincoln's Inn but rather were sold by the crown for houses and tenements. These houses were for gentlemen and peers (who lived around the field in houses with an average of nearly eleven fireplaces each as listed in the Hearth Tax for 1664). But there were also crowded tenements, in-filled yards and subdivided houses to be found in Shoe Lane and Fetter Lane. The church of St Peter Saffron Hill was built (1830-32) in the "worst neighbourhood" "sunk in ignorance and vice of the saddest character". By tradition, Saffron Hillwas a Liberty and Extra Parochial Chapel along with Barnard's, Furnival's, Staple and Thavia's Inns. However no marriages appear to have taken place here. Marriages occurred in the chapels of Gray's Inn and Lincoln's Inn (1695-1754) and at the Temple Church (1628-1760). Holy Trinity Little Queen Street was built between 1829 and 1831 and Grays Inn was built in 1837-8. Traditionally the parish was High Anglican but Roman Catholics and nonconformists were to be found in the back streets with a number of meetinghouses and chapels spreading out from the poorer quarters in Fetter Lane. Major rebuilding The church of St Andrew escaped the fire but still needed rebuilding by Sir Christopher Wren and others during 1683-1695 and improvement continued in the eighteenth century and again in the 1860s with the construction of Holborn Viaduct which encroached on large parts of the churchyard. At that time over 10,000 bodies were removed and re-interred at Ilford City Cemetery. City connections The parish of St Andrew Holborn lay either side of London's City Boundary but had such a strong entanglement with the City and, with the church itself lying within the City, its parish registers are held at the Guildhall Library. The parish fell within the ecclesiastical jurisdiction of the Archdeaconry of London, but people marrying in this parish frequently applied for licences from the Archbishop of Canterbury's Vicar-General and probably the Faculty Office. The records of the Bishop of London's licences should clearly also be examined. From The London Post or the Tradesman's Intelligence, dated "From Friday Nov. 22 to Monday Nov. 25 1717" On Friday Night one Arnold, Deputy Clark of St Andrews Holborn, with his Accomplice, a Footman, were sent to New-gate, for Villainously tearing a Months Leaves out of the Parish Register-Book. The Occasion this; A Fellow who had been marry'd about six Years ago at St. Andrews Church; (where the said Marriage was Registered) had Occasion for another Wife, before the other's Death: And to prevent being found out in his Roguery of having two Wives, he agreed with Arnold, for 10. s. in hand, and a Note of 5£ more, to tear the Month out of the Book; by which his first Marriage could not be proved: But the Matter being found out, its not doubted but they'll meet with due Reward for their Vilany | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
| Comments Notes for Unknown (Spouse 1) | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
| Comment: Edward's wife may have been named Elinor since it appears that both John Corder and Edward Corder II named daughters Elinor.7 | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
| Last Modified 27 Jan 2007 | Created 8 Feb 2007 Laura K. Henderson |
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